Books and documents:
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà, Brauli Tamarit Tamarit.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà.
Magdalena Grau, Agustí Chalaux.
Chapter 14. Sharing out of communal wealth.
- Dialectics between common good and private good.
- Utilization of the communal monetary mass.
- Investment credits.
- Consumption finances.
- General Statute.
- Utilitarian Statute.
- Liberal Statute.
- Mixed Statute.
- Municipalization of land.
- Disappearance of classes for money reasons.
- Summary of the last chapters.
The new State which has been constituted, fitted out with its two privileged
acting instruments: the pro-telematic cheque-invoice and the imperialization
of all the telematic monetary network, can now try to face successfully
the main problem which it has undertaken to solve: the problem of social
classes because of money.
To make disappear, peacefully, all the social misery and proscription
because of money: that is the challenge.
1. Dialectics between common good and private good.
The disappearance of social classes for money reasons can only be attained,
in our opinion, through a continuous dialogue and dialectics between the
wealth of private persons (individuals and collectivities) and the wealth
of collective persons (which is fairly shared out among all its members).
More specifically, through a permanent money osmosis among all the social
bodies and among all the members of the geopolitical society.
We do not believe in the false solution of the state control of all
the wealth or of all the means of wealth production. In the first place
the State, as a manager of the empire, is only a particular collective
person and, therefore, putting it under the State control is not an act
of communalization, but of privatisation. But, moreover, we all know which
is the end of the state-controlled production systems: paralysed by the
bureaucratic planning and the longing for power, and completely unable
to face with dignity the communal needs.
Now, we do not think either that we should trust the persons' good-will,
nor force altruistic generosities.
The problem is then, how to create a sufficient monetary mass to face
all the actual community needs, without having to disturb in excess (in
the best of cases, nothing at all) private persons and their private wealth.
The problem is, how to take advantage of the natural utilitarian egotism
of man, to build on its basis practical and effective mechanisms of full
While it becomes possible to bring into practice much more satisfactory
system at all levels19,
we suggest the constitution of a communal monetary mass based on one single
tax of social omni-solidarity. In chapter 7
of Part Two we have given all the technical specifications concerning the
features of this single tax; we shall now take for granted all that has
been said there.
The whole State action will be founded basically on this single tax
as far as the sharing out of the communal wealth is concerned: to this
end, the percentage on every cheque-invoice will have to be fixed in terms
of the needs which will have to be met.
Now, at the same time as the centralized all-accountancy of all the
cheque-invoices supplies a deeper and deeper knowledge of the total market
and its possibilities, the politician will be able to use, cautiously,
complementary measures to increase the amount of the communal monetary
mass. These measures could be the following:
imperialization of the market production surpluses actually existing on
the market, in order to invent the monetary mass exactly equivalent
imperialization of all the positive current account balances (production,
production savings and consumption savings), which will constitute the
accounting guarantee of the previous invention of money: these imperialized
balances will earn a 6% interest, paid by the Treasury.
Partial and selective freezing of all the production current accounts and
production savings current accounts -and also, in serious cases, of consumption
savings- to be credited to the productive sectors which, at a given moment,
appear to be showing a deficit.
With the single tax of a percentage on each cheque-invoice given out as
a basis, and the complement represented by the above-mentioned measures,
finally a communal monetary mass will be obtained which will constitute
the communal wealth of the empire.
But we have spoken about a dialectics between the common good and the
private good, between communal wealth and private wealth. What will this
dialectics be made of? We are simply referring to the following set of
the production and consumption of utilitarian goods will go on belonging
to the private field, as up to now in the «capitalistic» world.
Why so? simply because the motive of private agents, in this field, is
always the obtention of benefits, of their own benefits; and this motive
causes a competitiveness which all along history has demonstrated being
the most effective system and motor of a dynamic and productive utilitarianism.
But, from the market productivity and dynamism, through the multiplication
of the number of changes implied, there results a proportional increase
of the communal monetary mass obtained through taxation, and also of that
obtained through the other complementary means mentioned. Then, the greater
the private good, the greater will be the common good, in the same proportion.
And, to lock the cycle, the communal monetary mass, being shared among
private persons (individual and collective), becomes re-privatized and,
as such, will go back to the private market, revitalizing it and driving
it towards a greater and better productivity and dynamism of the private
utilitarian production and consumption.
2. Utilization of the communal monetary mass.
Since the utilitarian, productive and consumer sector of society has
been held under the free private initiative, the communal monetary mass
obtained can be said to be in terms of the utilitarian selfishness of population,
since the more is produced and consumed, and the more this mass grows,
mainly if we consider that the single tax will not be heavy and, therefore,
will not slow down with its burden the utilitarian processes.
After being constituted, the communal monetary mass must serve the aims
of the full social solidarity. That is, it must be shared out, re-privatized,
among all the members of the imperial community, in terms of the specific
needs of each of them, and in terms of the global interests of the community.
We foresee two very well differentiated systems of sharing out:
communal investment credits, in order to protect and foster the
utilitarian-productive vocations, and especially if they are in a line
the community holds to be suitable.
communal consumption finances, in order to supply all the members
of the imperial community enough purchasing power to meet their consumption
We shall now examine in detail these two systems.
3. Investment credits.
Communal investment credits will be granted:
to companies which want to make an investment needed to increase their
productive effectiveness, but have not enough purchasing power, and which,
besides, offer full guarantee that they will be able to carry on their
investment project succesfully.
to candidates for operators, with a managerial project offering a guarantee
of success, but without enough resources to start their project nor to
apply for a bank loan.
Investment credits, of course, will be granted by the imperial community,
but Business Banks will act as intermediaries, studying the submitted projects
of investment or for the creation of new companies, deciding on their credibility
and finally granting the loan in the name of the empire. The Banks will
have to accept their responsibility in case of insolvency of the credited
The conditions of the communal investment credit, which will differentiate
it very clearly from an ordinary bank loan, will be the following:
The person to whom the credit is granted shall not need any guarantor of
any sort neither on property nor on already existing assets: his only guarantee
will be the productive-technical ability of the company.
The granting of a credit implies the appointment of a joint manager who
will supervise the operation of the company and the utilization of the
credit on behalf of the Bank granting it.
During an initial period of three years -a time period technically needed
so that any new productive equipment gives its normal output- no interets
will be paid; after these three years, interests will be double
than for an ordinary bank loan: half of these interests will be for the
granting Bank, and the other half will go to the Treasury, to give out
There is no fixed clause for paying back the credit, but until it has been
paid back double interests will have to be paid, and the joint manager
appointed by the Bank will stay in the company.
The communal investment credits aim at the promotion of the creation of
company-private wealth, according to its goal of highest production,
best quality, and with the least effort and risk; for this reason,
the main principle for granting credits is that of the technical-productive
effectiveness shown by the applicant of the credit.
Now, through the communal credits can be fostered one or another sort
of company formation, which be found to be suitable and interesting. So,
after the basic effectiveness principle, preferential credit lines can
be established for the companies showing given features: starting a self-management
process (or full self-management); optimization of the company size...
4. Consumption finances.
Communal consumption finances are sunk money investments (that is: free)
to be spent solely and exclusively for consumption.
The principle to be followed in the sharing out of finances is not that
of productive effectiveness, but that of the actual consumnption needs
of the population, which must be met according to the principle of a total
The objective pursued by means of these finances is to have all the
misery and the social proscription for reasons of money to radically disappear,
granting everybody a vital minimum. Moreover, finances must allow to make
the utilitarian market society independent, and to insure the members of
the utilitarian society under some situations, very well defined, which
may appear in their lives. All these differential needs of each group of
population are shown in the four Financial Statutes foreseen:
I. General Statute.
Constitutionally, every person will enjoy the General Statute
for the sole reason of having been born and/or of living in the imperial
community: it is then cumulative to each one of the other three statutes.
The General Statute assures to every individual and family citizen a
minimum living standard, with which to meet his most urgent material and
cultural needs. With this goal in mind, it entitles to the following attributions:
an individual social-financial solidarity salary, which everybody will
receive as a vital minimum from the day of birth to that of death: differentiated
according to the degree of social proscription.
single attributions for engagement, wedding and death.
periodic attributions for housing and home improvement.
incidental attributions for motherhood.
salaries of social-financial solidarity for couples and children.
salaries of social-financial solidarity for congenital and permanent invalidity
II. Utilitarian Statute.
This statute can be accumulated only to the General Statute. The utilitarian
professionals have already ensured their sustenance by the remuneration
of their utilitarian activity. But unfavourable conditions may appear for
which they must be prepared. So the Utilitarian Statute will give a right
a social-financial solidarity salary of compulsory unemployment.
a social-financial solidarity salary because of strike.
a social-financial solidarity salary because of lock-out.
a social-financial solidarity salary because of illness, accident, or supervened
invalidity or disability.
III. Liberal Statute.
This Statute can be accumulated only to the General Statute. The aim
of this Statute is to supply a dignified sustenance to the liberal professionals
and collectivities, which, since they do not belong to the utilitarian
or market society, cannot be maintained by it.
Liberal professionals will enjoy individual and familiar salaries of social-financial
solidarity, which will vary only in terms of the self-proclaimed degree
of altruism and unselfishness of each liberal profession, and of the vocational
and social merits of each liberal profession in the service of its fellow
citizens and of all society. They will also enjoy ordinary budgets for
the practice of the liberal profession, in terms of the technical-professional
needs, and of extraordinary budgets in terms of the communal financial
The liberal collectivities will also enjoy ordinary and extraordinary budgets,
the ordinary ones calculated in terms of the number of members enrolled
in each one of them, the extraordinary ones in terms of the communal financial
possibilities, after all the salaries and all the ordinary budgets will
have been assured on a dignified and sufficient basis.
They will also be granted a liberal statute, even if they do not practise
students and apprentices, from 16 to 25 (with the possibility of obtaining
justified extensions): they will enjoy a social-financial solidarity salary
for students or apprentices;
candidates to any election in a liberal institution: from the time they
will make public their candidature to the time of the election or non-election,
they will enjoy a social-financial solidarity salary for candidates to
elections and an electoral campaign budget equal to that of all the other
candidates to the same post.
The fact that all the liberal professions and all the liberal collectivities be
financed by the community, ensures and guarantees the total gratuitousness of
any liberal service for all the community members.
IV. Mixed Statute.
Again this Statute can be accumulated only to the General Statute; but
it is called «Mixed» because it can be combined at the same
time with private incomes. In fact, it has been studied thinking of artisans,
collaborators of mixed companies (private-communal ones) of public building
works and services, and also will be able to resort to it the unemployed
if they accept a professional-craft training of at least 3 years, and then
settle down as artisans in places with a very small population.
So, according to cases, this Statute will entitle to:
a social-financial solidarity artisan salary, which will round off the
profits made by the artisan through the sale of his production; this salary
will vary only in terms of the number of inhabitants of the town where
the artisan will be active.
a social-financial solidarity salary of collaborator in a mixed company,
to compensate the possible future socialization (at an imperial, ethnic,
county, town level), and subsequent attribution of a completely liberal
statute, of this company.
a social-financial solidarity salary for craft training, to round off the
social-financial solidarity salary of unemployment, for all those unemployed
who wish to become artisans, under the conditions mentioned above.
5. Municipalization of land.
The land has been, from the beginning of mankind, a communal wealth,
that only with the development of a fully monetary market little by little
became private. In spite of the fact that we support free property and
private initiative inside the market, in the case of land we think that
it would be right to give back to this asset its ancestral communal feature,
through a progressive socialization on a town level (that is: municipalization).
Only an effective municipalization of the land can ensure the preservation
of environment and of the natural wealth, avoid the unsocial speculation
on the land, and set the basis for an effective town planning action. It
is the town which can closely control the social or unsocial use of this
communal asset: then, constitutionally and in the long run, it is the town
which must be the only owner of it.
To carry out, progressively and without damaging anybody, this municipalization
of the land, we suggest a system based on:
a tax on the private property of the land -the only existing tax besides
the Company Activity Tax (CAT)-. Any owner of a plot of land, not used
for living or for a single-family farming exploitation, will have to pay
a tax to the town, calculated as a percentage (for example, 5%) of the
sales price of the plot of land on the free market.
with the money obtained from this tax, and with the amounts set aside to
this end from the communal monetary mass, every town will progressively
buy the plots of land, at a free market price, from the owners agreeing
to sell. The owner selling to the town will obtain a leasehold contract
for 100 years, at a very low price (for example, 1% of the agreed sales
As it can be seen, this system does not compel anybody, but encourages
owners to sell to the town because this sale is profitable for them, even
if the town does not have the necessary purchasing power to pay cash, because
in this case the debt of the town towards the owner will produce a communal
interest of 6%.
6. Disappearance of classes for money reasons.
We put no obstacle in the way of the generation of private wealth. This
will be able to develop as up to now, and even better, as we shall free
the market from many of its present day limitations, as we shall see in
the following chapter. As a consequence, there will still be some people
richer than others.
But our goal is not that everybody be the same, even in money. On the
contrary, we believe that everybody is different, peculiar, unique,
unrepeatable, outstanding... and only before law must individuals
be considered as equals in rights.
Our goal then is not the artificial equalization of live peculiarities,
but the solidary coexistence in the difference and vital peculiarity of
every individual. And this solidary coexistence can only be considerd on
a communal level. Our proposal is that of the financial Statutes, social
solidarity in direct ratio to the private wealth of the empire taken as
Through the General Statute, with its minimum individual and family
vital salaries; through the Utilitarian Statute, with its salaries of compulsory
unemployment, strike and lock-out for indefinite time; through the Liberal
Statute, and the subsequent gratuitousness of the liberal services for
all the population, it is possible to attain for every member of the community,
a minimum vital level, a minimum sustenance level, which must be as high
This minimum level, depending on the communal solidarity, prevents individuals
from depending on the private generosity or selfishness of any other individual.
On the basis of this self-sufficiency on the highest possible level, may
be based the suppression of all material misery and of all the subsequent
This is in our opinion a valid change for a progressive disappearance
of classes for reasons of money, based on the vital subordination and dependence
of some groups of population on others. Another more difficult thing, slower
to be attained, but also possible, is the disappearance of the social classes
because of culture, classism, and a whole number of actitudes and superiority
feelings, contempt, envy... among classes. But this second goal will start
beeing possible after the first one has been established.
7. Summary of the last chapters.
In the last four chapters we have mentioned the basic structures of
the new society we are proposing:
a strong political and civic archy, but limited in every area to
its activity, freedom of decision and personal and exclusive responsibility,
during the corresponding elective term of office; together with a justicial
completely independent from the State and from any pressure group (Chapter
a strict monetary legislation, which makes the monetary instrument an instrument
of omni-information and personal omni-reponsibilization par excellence
a total imperialization of the information worked out by the telematic
monetary network (Chapter 13).
a communal monetary mass, designated to be equally shared out, either with
a credit-investment scope, or with a financial-consumer scope (Chapter
After these fundamental bases have been set out, all the other social activities
must work with the highest liberty and the least legislation.
In all the cases then it will be necessary to legislate only the minimum
necessary laws, very few but very exact, even if generalizing and without
useless casuistries. These minimum laws will have the mission of ensuring
and granting the development in full freedom and personal responsibility
of all the legitimate town activities. This will be so in every social
area, whether state-unifederative in the whole imperial territory, or local-confederative
in each autonomous territory (district, town, county, ethnic group,interethnic
In the following chapters we shall draw some of the minimum laws which
it will be necessary to legislate in:
the utilitarian-productive society (Chapter 15)
the liberal society (Chapter 16)
the utilitarian-consumer society (Chapter 17).
this respect, see the Fourth Part and, especially, chapter
23, which ends this work.